A Cautionary Tale

Progressive politicians and Brer Rabbit have a lot in common.

A few words of caution.

While there seems to be mounting evidence that progressivism is in retreat across both the United States and the European Union, do not underestimate the staying power of progressivism or progressive politicians. The swamp may not be our cup of tea, but in the same way the briar patch was Brer Rabbit’s home, progressive politicians own the swamp ecosystem. They want you to throw them in there.

Younger generations, contrary to the historical pattern of youthful idealism skewing left, are beginning to poll further to the right than we’ve seen in decades. Issues like immigration, economic responsibility, gender ideology, and freedom of speech are catalyzing a slow but significant rightward drift, particularly among younger males and working-class voters. This signals what may be a broader cultural shift: conservatism is no longer solely a reactionary force but is becoming, in many spheres, the new countercultural movement.

However, it would be a grave mistake to underestimate the resilience of progressive ideology. The power of progressivism is not in the persuasiveness of its arguments but in the emotional appeal it cultivates. I believe it is a worldview heavily rooted in envy - the belief that others’ success is inherently unjust - and in dependence - the idea that the state must rectify this perceived injustice by redistributing power, wealth, and social capital. These themes, though destructive in practice, are potent in politics because they provide a moral justification for expanding government control. They offer a sense of meaning to those who feel disenfranchised and a mechanism of power for those who govern.

This is why progressive ideology survives even when popular opinion turns against it. It is uniquely well-adapted to bureaucracies and political structures. Progressive politicians, both elected and unelected, tend to thrive in insulated environments - university faculties, public sector jobs, federal agencies, non-governmental organizations, and legacy media institutions - where ideological conformity is often incentivized, and real-world accountability is rare. These institutions act as incubators, or perhaps more accurately, Petri dishes, where progressive dogma can persist long after it has lost resonance with the general public.

In the U.S., this is particularly evident in Congress. While the electorate may shift right, gerrymandering, entrenched incumbency, and the overwhelming influence of special interests make congressional turnover incredibly slow. Members of Congress often remain in office for decades, shielded from meaningful competition and increasingly disconnected from the average voter. As a result, Congress may continue to lean progressive long after the culture has moved on. The administrative state - unelected regulators, policy advisors, and agency heads - often leans even further left and remains largely untouched by electoral cycles. This imbalance creates a bottleneck: even when conservative policies win elections, progressive governance can grind on.

This structural inertia ensures that while the people may grow more conservative, their government might not. Change may come eventually, but it will be slow and contested at every turn. The progressive establishment is deeply embedded and will not yield power willingly. It will resist with institutional force, cultural shaming, and bureaucratic entrenchment.

So yes, conservatism is rising. But progressivism has no intention of going quietly. The Morlocks are not done yet. The next phase of political struggle in the West may not be defined by public opinion, but by who controls the machinery of the state. And that, unfortunately, is where progressives have long learned to endure.